Black South Africans do not want to farm...
- 'Give us urban houses and urban jobs, not farms'
by Adriana Stuijt, secretary, Foundation for Afrikaner-asylumseekers International (http://www.afrikanerfuture.info) .
Afrikaner farmers have been saying this for the past ten years, but the ANC-regime's relentless ethnic-cleansing campaign to get all Afrikaners out of the countryside under the guise of "land reform" has marched on regardless -- and caused more than 1-million lost jobs among black farm workers.
Now a new study by the Centre for Development and Enterprise has confirmed that the entire "land reform" programme has been a sham from the start: namelythat most black South Africans do not even want to farm.
* But they do want jobs, houses and effective services in urban areas, according to a new study by the Centre for Development and Enterprise.
"Urban housing reform" next?
What will be next -- will all Afrikaners now also be ethnically-cleansed from their urban homes, this time under the guise of "city housing reform"?
* The Xhosa-ruled ANC-regime is already cleansing Afrikaners out of the entire public sector and job market -- exactly as did the Nazis to the Jews in Nazi-Germany and its occupied territories under the Nazis "Neurenberg racial purity laws".
* Under Nazi-rule, Jews also were not allowed to hold jobs in the public or private sector, nor were they allowed to own land or indeed any private property whatsoever, and they could only run a business with a "Aryan co-partner" as a front.
* This is also what is happening to the Afrikaner in South Africa today, under the ANC regime's so-called "black economic empowerment" programme...
Read report here...
* Also see:
ANC's Neurenberg laws are called "Umrabulo"
- from the ANCs own website, we read how Afrikaners are being cleansed from all public life in South Africa:
"Empowerment charters are a site of struggle
While empowerment charters are highly contested terrains, they present new possibilities to enhance empowerment, improve implementation and monitoring, and develop empowerment as a central component of the national transformation agenda, writes Andy Brown.
The imperatives of economic transformation and empowerment as a condition of national liberation have been a fundamental tenet of ANC policy since the time of the Freedom Charter. While the scope of the concept has shifted over time and varying terminology used to describe its elements, Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) has evolved as a central component of transformation.
Measures to redress the imbalances of the past are not only moral and political; our economy will not sustain growth while the majority are excluded from meaningful participation in productive activities and while there are high levels of poverty and unemployment. While BEE is not the panacea for transformation and poverty eradication, it can address a number of the challenges confronting us as part of an overall growth and development plan.
Black Economic Empowerment has developed to incorporate a wide range of interventions and strategies, many of which have been implemented by government over the past ten years. These include improving the capacity of our education system, land reform, rural development, small and medium enterprise (SME) support, skills development, access to finance for business, and preferential procurement.
More recently, government has proposed a comprehensive approach within which the private sector should implement BEE. Greater certainty has been given on definitions and measurement indicators, to enable the implementation of company BEE strategies. Sectors have also been encouraged to design transformation charters.
Black Economic Empowerment is therefore aimed at addressing a number of systemic problems in our economy. These include the narrow base and concentrated nature of ownership and control, inadequate investment in skills development, low levels of entrepreneurship, limited investment in underdeveloped areas and high unemployment.
As we learn from its implementation challenges our understanding of BEE will deepen and the policy is likely to continue to evolve. Despite the differing views, debate on BEE is essential to assist in the evolution of the concept. The need for inclusive engagement is particularly evident where charters are concerned.
Many critics, however, appear to have difficulty in appreciating the value creation that protagonists of BEE believe in. On one hand the approach of most companies, either bound by charters or under pressure by procurers of service, is compliance driven. On the other, increasingly vociferous concerns are raised about the narrow base of BEE, questioning how progressive and broad based BEE truly is.
GOVERNMENT POLICY REFLECTS ANC PRIORITIES
The ANC's Stellenbosch Conference in 2002 resolved to support the broad-based BEE process (see below). These ANC positions directly led to the adoption by government of the Broad-Based BEE Strategy and Broad-Based BEE Act in 2003. Both the strategy and the Act are based on numerous policy discussions and resolutions adopted by the ANC on BEE, as well as the considerations of the BEE Commission (BEECom) report.
Government has defined broad-based BEE as the economic empowerment of all black people including women, workers, youth, people with disabilities and people living in rural areas through diverse but integrated socio-economic strategies. The government's strategy outlines a number of state-led BEE programmes and includes a balanced scorecard, against which enterprises and sectors can design BEE strategies and measure progress made in achieving empowerment. The current version of the scorecard has three core elements:
* Direct empowerment: ownership and control;
* Human resource development; and
* Indirect empowerment: procurement, enterprise development and corporate social investment.
Government has released a draft code of practice, which includes a revised scorecard.
* The new code provides significantly more detail on measurement indicators, weightings and targets.
* As it is finalised, it is hoped that terminology such as direct and indirect empowerment will be discarded as it gives the impression that enterprise development or other residual elements are less directly empowering than ownership.
The Broad Based BEE Act is enabling rather then prescriptive. It provides for the establishment of the BEE Advisory Council, the publishing of codes of practice and the gazetting of transformation charters. The challenge in implementation of the Act is that it does not compel the private sector to set empowerment plans and report on progress. Although said to be the subject of a future code of practice, the absence of a legislated reporting requirement may lessen its impact.
Notably the Act does give substantially more definition to Broad-Based BEE and its objectives. Firmly turning away from a very narrow definition, BEE is understood in its broadest sense as the economic empowerment of all black people through diverse but integrated socio-economic strategies.
Both the strategy and the Act argue that economic growth and empowerment are complementary and related processes and that if we do not implement BEE, "the stability and prosperity of the economy in the future may be undermined". In other words, the inclusion of black people in economic activities is seen as a necessary element of a growth strategy.
The role of the private sector, particularly in relation to the complementary nature of BEE and growth, may not have been sufficiently emphasised. Unless we understand that BEE is fundamental to the development and growth of our economy, businesses will continue to implement it half-heartedly, not appreciating the real value beyond short term gains of compliance and not fully understanding the benefits of implementing all aspects of BEE well in their own companies.
The inability of the private sector to implement BEE in an integrated and holistic manner may restrict the broad-based impact of BEE and hamper its potential to foster growth.
The South African Communist Party (SACP) has recently argued that the language of the Freedom Charter has been replaced by 'black economic empowerment', which according to the SACP is "a clear divergence, if not contradiction". The same document aligns BEE to 'Black Advancement' and the "co-option of the few to a project of deracialised capitalism".
This characterisation misrepresents the role of black business in meaningful advocacy on transformation of the economy and in the development of a BEE policy. Most critics of BEE, while supporting broad based BEE imperatives, seldom draw adequate distinctions between policy, practice and the various role players. The resultant perception that BEE as a policy framework involves only the transaction activities of black people in business and that it therefore results in black enrichment is incorrect and misrepresents the evolution of the concept in ANC and government policy.
ENGAGING THE CHARTERS
In June this year we celebrate 50 years of the Freedom Charter. Will the charters being drafted today match up to the spirit of the Freedom Charter and more importantly, will they have the desired impact on the will of all South Africans to transform our society?
Initially mooted by the Department of Minerals and Energy (DME), the BEE Commission (BEECom) and the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac), transformation charters are negotiated agreements between stakeholders, aimed at driving transformation in the economy.
Charters have added impetus to BEE. They present the possibility of establishing a transformation framework beyond the parameters of how the private sector has implemented BEE to date. Charters provide opportunities to address a range of challenges confronting the economy on a sector-by-sector basis, while enhancing stakeholder commitment.
Characterised by contested views as to how broad-based the charter should be, they are an important site of struggle.
Charters are provided for by the Broad-Based BEE Act. The mining, liquid fuels and financial sectors have already gazetted charters in terms of the Act, while more are expected in transport, property, construction, the accounting and legal professions, health, agriculture, wine, cosmetics, information and communications technology (ICT), advertising and tourism. The experience of the earlier charters is formative and ongoing review is essential. There are some obvious challenges, which need to be addressed to improve on outcomes.
The charters are drafted in the sprit of negotiation; they do contain standards albeit agreed to in a contested environment. Often, those better resourced with time and skills, as well as financial capacity, come out ahead. Hence the imperative of inclusive charter discussions.
Development of charters has been a contentious issue with confusion reigning among black and white business, organised labour and government about who drives and who constitutes negotiating partners. Until recently most have not effectively involved community and organised labour in their drafting.
In the case of the Mining Charter, the Department of Minerals and Energy initially drove the process, bringing in business and labour later on. The consequence of less inclusive development was negative and impacted on the final charter. This is evident in the scorecard, which is more vague in its commitments than would have been desired by government and labour constituencies.
The Financial Sector Charter was led by business in consultation with government, but with limited participation from labour and social partners. The inadequate consultation threatened to undermine the legitimacy of the charter after it was signed. These stakeholders were interested parties in this charter and they had actively driven campaigns to transform the financial sector. They should have been included as negotiating partners. Today, however, they have equal representation in the oversight structure, the Financial Sector Charter Council.
The ICT, transport, tourism, construction and property charters are being driven by steering committees. Government is playing an active role and Nedlac has been briefed on most of these charters.
Charters are not negotiated at Nedlac. However, a minimum requirement is that charters should be tabled at Nedlac, participation invited and a final report sought from Nedlac for submission to the respective minister on conclusion of a charter, as is done with significant legislation or policy.
Organised labour and community representatives have been invited to participate as negotiating partners in the transport, construction and property charters. The ICT charter steering committee was recently reconstituted to ensure better representation of all stakeholders. Black business is participating in most of the charters through chambers and professional bodies.
While it is not always easy to involve everyone, the inclusion of any stakeholder who is affected by a sector, who would sign a charter and who could implement a charter, should be sought. The absence of representative, inclusive and empowered stakeholder participation in negotiations compromises the potential impact of charters and limits their broad-based scope.
MORE THAN NARROW CHANGE
Charters often encompass diverse and large sectors, where the nature and the varying types of firms within it necessitate establishing a common threshold or industry mean on which to set targets. While transformation is built in, the mechanisms don't always capture the interests of all stakeholders. Similarly, the scope and content of charters is difficult to define and its broad-based nature contested.
The indicators of the BEE scorecard - which include ownership, control, employment equity, skills development, targeted procurement, enterprise development and corporate social investment - are always considered. But BEE is about more than narrow change. It must follow that companies and sectors should understand their role and contribution to transformation in the economy and accordingly define relevant indicators for inclusion in the charter.
In line with this, some charters have introduced additional residual indicators. The Mining Charter included beneficiation and mining community development. The ICT charter has incorporated bridging the digital divide and access to ICT. The Financial Sector Charter (FSC) addressed access to transaction banking and savings products and targeted investment in areas of national priority.
In the construction and transport sectors the charters are expected to address job sustainability, workplace conditions and enterprise development. In the property sector stakeholders are discussing the extent to which the charter can include access to and use of property.
The weightings allocated to the various aspects of BEE in some of the more recent charters are indicative of this shift to incorporate broader transformation issues. Many scorecards increasingly place less emphasis on ownership than on the other indicators, with most allocating ownership between 15 and 18 points out of a total of 100 points.
While the recent charter frameworks are attempting to broaden the scope, greater emphasis should be placed on growth generating activities and job creation. For instance, to date few charters effectively address enterprise development, many locating the measurement of performance in enterprise development within procurement. In most competitive economies small and medium-sized enterprises are the lifeblood, creating labour-intensive employment, innovation and increased competition. Adequate solutions in this area should bring large-scale benefits to all. To accommodate all these aspects of BEE, especially in diverse and large sectors, innovation in both qualitative and quantitative instruments and in scorecard design is fundamental.
Most important, given some of the challenges, well constructed reporting, monitoring and review mechanisms are critical. Without reporting, progress can never be evaluated and little is left to implement.
PARTICIPATION FOR GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT
Some believe that charters set defined goals and parameters that are cast in stone and must never change. This is not true. From year to year various aspects of our economic landscape will change and our understanding of particular issues should deepen. These factors could influence the outcomes of charters and we must therefore provide for adjustment of mechanisms by oversight structures when necessary as well as ongoing assessment of the extent to which its implementation meets the intentions and spirit of the charter. In the FSC for example, current research shows that some of the employment equity targets are already easily achievable and the council is debating a review. Such reviews and adaptability of the mechanisms must be recognised.
Perhaps the most difficult challenge confronting the implementation of BEE through charters is the approach of most companies to empowerment obligation s. Few have recognised the benefits of BEE beyond meeting tender or licensing criteria. They therefore do not appreciate the value creating potential of the various components of BEE to an individual business nor the benefits to the economy in general. Charters must become innovative tools to transform workplaces, promote productive environments and grow.
There is vast global experience that demonstrates that economies that increase the participation of people in production and address developmental requirements are more likely to become competitive.
Given the flexible approach to BEE implementation, its success is chiefly dependant on sufficient commitment among companies and industries, champions in government, participation from organised labour and community structures, and effective officials and systems.
There is evidence of growing government success in implementing BEE programmes, including targeted procurement, local economic development and SME support. Examples of private sector progress in implementing BEE, especially through charters, and evidence of real benefits to a wider base would certainly add impetus.
Black Economic Empowerment is firmly located within the national development agenda. The consultative nature, inherent partnership potential and monitoring framework provided by charters adds tremendous impetus to this. While mindsets take time to change, charters provide a framework within which stakeholders can embrace BEE in their sectors and in so doing extend its transformative outcomes.
Andy Brown is a consultant specialising in economic empowerment policy and strategy.
Resolution of the ANC 51st National Conference on Black Economic Empowerment
Despite our efforts, South African society remains characterised by vast racial and gender inequalities in the distribution of and access to productive assets, wealth, income, skills and employment.
Fronting of Afrikaner-owned businesses:
Little progress has been made in achieving greater operational participation and control in the economy by black people, and we have instead seen the rise in so-called 'fronting'.
This limited participation of black people in the economy limits our ability to expand the productive base, sustain economic development, eradicate poverty and contribute to a better life for all, political, social and economic requirement of this country's collective future.
* BEE is defined in its broadest sense as an integrated and coherent socio-economic process located in the context of the RDP. Its benefits must be shared across society, and impact as widely as possible.
That Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) is a moral, political, social and economic requirement of this country's collective future.
BEE is defined in its broadest sense as an integrated and coherent socio-economic process located in the context of the RDP. Its benefits must be shared across society, and impact as widely as possible.
That the indicators for success are overall equity in incomes, wealth, increasing levels of black participation - including black women and youth -in the ownership, the extent to which there is operational participation and control of the economy and the extent to which there has been transfer and possession of skills and a retention of assets by the BEE beneficiaries.
To ensure that BEE is broad based, supportive of collective ownership programmes by working people and communities, in the form of collective enterprises and cooperatives, supportive of the creation of an entrepreneurial class, the accumulation of assets by the poor and with a focus on the development of rural economies.
That the ANC will mobilise its membership to mobilise communities in general, and targeted groups in particular - women, institutions working with children, people with disabilities, youth and the elderly - to take up the BEE opportunities and to participate in the debate.
That an essential component of BEE is the involvement of black business people, especially women, in the ownership, control and management of productive capital in all sectors of the economy as well as skilled occupations.
In pursuing this objective the ANC will work with the emergent black capitalist class to ensure joint commitment and practical action to attain increased investment, job creation, employment equity and poverty alleviation.
That the government must intensify its support for small, medium and micro enterprises as a critical component of BEE and ensure that such support reaches them.
That the ANC at all levels must continuously monitor progress in empowering black people, especially black women, youth, children, the elderly and people living with disabilities and ensure government arrives at quantitative targets in order to measure BEE.
That the ANC supports the establishment of a BEE Advisory Council representing all major stakeholders to champion BEE.
To promote the design and implementation of broad based sector or industry empowerment programmes with clearly defined targets, based on agreements between stakeholders.
To enhance the effective use of government's instruments such as licensing, procurement, state asset restructuring and provision of finance, to target BEE.
To ensure government designs an enabling regulatory framework including operational guidelines to promote certainty in the implementation and regulation of BEE.
To ensure that Municipal Integrated Development Plans factor in BEE at community levels and ensure that local government communicates opportunities for BEE.
Friday, May 27, 2005
Why does the US support the racial purity laws of Mbeki's South Africa?
Open letter to US lawmakers
I am addressing this letter to you in the hope that you will alert your voters/supporters to the desperate situation in which the Afrikaner (white) minority of 3-million is finding itself in under the black-ruled ANC-regime in South Africa. Yet the US government is still denying many of these desperately trapped people political asylum or indeed, even the right to legal immigration for reasons we cannot even begin to understand. Perhaps you could shed some light on why the US would so consistently want to deny access into the US to so many well-educated, hard-working Christian people like the Afrikaners?
(for details on these asylum-seekers see http://groups.msn.com/asielsoekers and click on "USA/VSA" . It's a bilingual English/Afrikaans website.
ANC has racial-purity laws against Afrikaners - just like the Nazis did against the Jews:
Our organisation has extensive evidence - which was even presented to Amnesty International -- that the Afrikaner nation is deliberately being ethnically-cleansed in South Africa under the (Nazi-style Neurenberg- "racial purity") laws of President Thabo Mbeki and his ruling black African National Congress party, which is run primarily by one tribe, namely Mbeki's Xhosa tribe.
* Mbeki's own tribal members are indeed the primary beneficiaries of Mbeki's policies - and are referred to as the wealthy Xhosa-elite by the SA news media -- and this fact also means that the African National Congress is a Nationalist-Socialist party, i.e. Nazi for short. Aren't Nazis outlawed in most countries? So why is your government still supporting with this Nazi party of South Africa - and indeed why is President Bush is all set to receive this vile Nazi dictator in the White House?
* The ANC's own racial purity laws - so very similar to those of the Nazis -- are called the "Black Economic Empowerment" laws - and these laws, exactly as did the Neurenberg laws to the Jews under the Nazis, also are effectively barring the vast majority of Afrikaners except a token few, from public life.
* It does not matter how well-educated or experienced these Afrikaners are in their jobs - and indeed they form the best-educated group in South Africa -- but only because of their ethnic origin, the Afrikaners now are continuously being fired and being denied access to any public- and private-sector jobs because of the "BEE-laws" - some companies even have signs up saying "Afrikaner males need not apply" -- and all because they have the wrong skin colour and speak Afrikaans at home.
The socalled 'coloured" 5-million Afrikaans-speakers are also beginning to suffer the same fate in the Western Cape province, where the Xhosa-elite is taking over all the public- and private sector jobs and firing Afrikaans-speakers under the BEE-laws - in spite of the fact that the 'coloured' Afrikaners, classified as a "previously-disadvantaged" racial group, often also supported and voted for the ANC in the past.
Clearly the ANC-regime hates all things Afrikaans, because they are also removing more than 80,000 Afrikaans names from the South African landscape, including unilaterally changing the name of the capitol city, Pretoria. It was built and founded by Afrikaners when they still had their own independent Boer Republics ( up to 1902) and therefore the name is hated by the regime.
All the Afrikaans-language schools, churches, universities and even libraries are being forced to anglicise, their language is being trampled upon in the courts where Afrikaners are often denied due process of law by being forced to conduct/participate in trials in a foreign language under the pretence that no "qualified translators" are still available.
Laws are being made against the use of Afrikaans and public presence of Afrikaners everywhere =- Afrikaner families are also being attacked and murdered increasingly in the cities for no discernable reason other than violence -- and the very land the Afrikaners' forefathers have farmed and indeed greatly improved for so many generations since 1656, is now being stolen away from them under the ANC's so-called land-reform programme - and also by the organised squatter armies the ANC supports, and which are invading farms everywhere and destroying any possibility of agricultural production by their 'slash and burn' so-called farming methods.
* Our organisation has also submitted extensive reports to your US congressman Mr Frank Wolf, who co-chairs the Congressional Human Rights Commission. He had approached us for informationabout the security situation for Afrikaners in the rural Free State.
Black South Africans don't want to farm
* Recent authoritative studies have found that most black South Africans don't even want to farm - what they really want is urban housing and urban jobs - yet the ANC regime continues with its ill-fated "land reform campaign" (for details on how the fraudulent ANC-regime is looting South Africa's once so productive farms, access http://groups.msn.com/censorbugbear/failedprojects.msnw ).
* The ANC regime also has withdrawn all protection from the countryside and has made gun-laws to disarm its law-abiding citizens -- thus Afrikaner farmers are not able to protect themselves from marauding gangs with AK-47s and are often being murdered in the most cruel fashion - often tortured for many hours before they are executed, often forced to watch the rape of their female relatives, however young or old they may be. The ANC regime claims these are "ordinary robberies", although from the police videos in our possession, it can be seen that many valuables are left behind on the scenes of these terrible crimes. "A Bloody Harvest", the 2003 documentary about the South African farm murders, broadcast in South Africa only once, can be accessed online to see all the horrid details.Click on:
Dr Gregory Stanton of Genocide Watch in the US already warned from 2002 that the Afrikaner Boers (Boer=farmer in Dutch) were being greatly endangered by an approaching genocide and which the ANC-regime was doing nothing to prevent, on the contrary, they were allowing the atmosphere is hate and were themselves actively engaged in hate-speech targetting the Afrikaner minority which contributed to this atmosphere of hate in which these attacks against Afrikaners in the cities and the countryside are taking place. Read his entire report on http://www.genocidewatch.org/BoersSlain01.htm
The current death rate among Afrikaner farmers from all the many thousands of farm attacks has now risen to more than 1780, (onethousand-sevenhundred-and-eighty) and more than 20,000 people have been raped and maimed during those attacks. More than 20,000 farms have already been attacked by organised black militia groups, armed with AK-47s in South Africa since "apartheid has ended".
* These are large groups of men who drive past countless other, much more lucrative targets, often for hundreds of miles, just to carry out one attack against one specific farm - and often they don't even steal anything except the farmer''s cellphone or car, to stop him from escaping or calling for help.
* These militias are carrying out a campaign of the most incredible terror against South African farmers - yet the world, which is in a constant state of uproar about 20 murdered English-speaking white farmers in Zimbabwe, remains totally silent about this much worse death toll on South African farms. Why is that?
Our organisation, the registered non-profit Foundation for Afrikaner Asylum-seekers International, (telephone The Netherlands coutnry 31 519 561 731 ) was founded to help the Afrikaner survivors from what is rapidly becoming an all-out ethnic cleansing campaign targetting them. We classify all Afrikaners as "asylum-seekers" since they do not have a government to protect them, on the contrary, their government is their biggest enemy...
All Afrikaners are now asylum-seekers:
We help the many destitute Afrikaners - people who only a decade earlier, all held down jobs and were employers of black families -- and who now are begging in the streets of South Africa and are trying to eke out a living with subsistence farming and arts and crafts sales from church-run internal refugee camps inside the country; and we also try and help those Afrikaner families who have already managed to flee abroad from this incredible violence targetting their ethnic group.
One such family, the Botha family, was recently in the news in Berryville, Virginia - where their local pastor and the entire congregation is 100% behind them.
They can be reached for a radio interview via their pastor Rev. William K Dawson of the Duncan memorial United Methodist Church in Berryville, Virginia telephone 540 - 955-1264 - Their story follows below:
Botha Family seeks asylum in USA - Winchester Star
* Family Worries of Dangers Returning To South Africa - By Linda McCarty - The Winchester Star (Virginia USA)
* Senator Wolf of Virginia - co-chairman of the Congressional Human Rights Commission -- 'will continue trying to help them..."
Monday, May 23, 2005 - Read entire story on:
BERRYVILLE — (Virginia, USA) Eight members at Berryville’s Duncan Memorial United Methodist Church sat quietly in a semi-circle in the chapel and listened to Josef and Amanda Botha’s frightening story.
Though they were very familiar with the Bothas’ plight and had heard the story many times, signs of fear and worry masked their faces and many of their hands were tightly clasped in their laps.
The Bothas and their three daughters — Jacqui, 15, Zandri, 11, and Jomandi, 5 — are seeking asylum in the United States from South Africa.
Fearing that Amanda and their daughters would be raped and Josef would be murdered, the family got a six-month visa, sold all their belongings, and fled their country in June 2001 to live and work on farms near Salina, Kan.
“There is an AIDS epidemic in South Africa, and it is a traditional belief that sex with a virgin can cure AIDS, more so the younger the virgin, the stronger the cure,” Josef said in an emotionally filled voice.
That belief, Josef said, has “lead to the rape of even babies of only two or three months old.
Oldest daughter threatened with rape:
Prior to leaving the country, the Bothas’ oldest daughter was threatened with rape. “She was 11 at the time,” Josef said. “It was getting close to our family.”
* To protect his family before they left, Josef installed barred doors into their bedroom area.
* “Our girls couldn’t play outside, go to the swimming pool, or ride their bikes. They were prisoners in their own home,” Amanda said. “It still amazes me to see children playing outside here.”
Ethnic cleansing of the Afrikaner nation:
“There never was a time to go outside,” Jacqui said, “because we’d heard of so many people dying, especially the kids. I didn’t want to be one of them.” Josef said his life was in danger as well, because of “ethnic cleansing to rid the country of the Afrikaner nation.”
Afrikaners are any South African - Dutch or Huguenot descent. The Afrikaners were originally called Boers (farmers).
Josef, an Afrikaner, said the killings have become so common that he and his family were afraid of being “attacked, mutilated, and set afire.” Josef, who was manager of a 6,000-acre farm in South Africa, said the farm work in Kansas didn’t work out.
A month after arriving there, the family used $150 of the $400 they had brought with them to the United States and bought a car to drive to Maryland, where they’d been promised jobs. “We were waiting for our working papers, but they never came,” Josef said. In September 2001, Josef contacted an acquaintance in Chantilly, and the family traveled there.
“We found a place in Berryville to rent, and that’s how we got here,” said Josef, who at that time had a painting job from 5 a.m. to 8 p.m. in Chantilly.
* “Josef showed up for early Sunday morning worship in our chapel,” said the Rev. William K. Dawson. “The main thing he wanted to do was go to church, and I invited him and his family back for our 11 o’clock service, and they came.”
* The Botha family, who joined the church and are active members, lived in a house in Berryville for about a month and then rented an apartment.
* “The church had a housewares party for us and gave us everything,” Amanda said. “It was wonderful.”
“God provided for us,” Josef added. “If God hadn’t provided for us, we wouldn’t have met so many wonderful people.”
While the family was settling in Berryville, they also sought an extension to their visa.
“We hired a person to help with that, and we thought he’d taken care of it,” Josef said, “but all he did was take our money, $5,500, and disappear.” Josef borrowed the money from a friend at church and paid it back.
* Shortly after discovering work on the extension hadn’t been done, the family applied for asylum.
* “That’s what we should have done when we arrive in this country,” Josef said, “but we thought that was just for political figures.”
The Bothas filed an application for asylum in February 2002 with the United States Citizenship and Immigration Service, but were denied and referred to the U.S. Immigration Court. “They also denied us,” Josef said.
They next filed a petition to the Immigration Appeals Court. They received word in April 2003 that the appeal had been denied.
“The judge said there was lack of evidence of fear of persecution,” Josef said. “We didn’t have any expert people to give testimony on our part.”
The family then filed an appeal with the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in July 2004, and the following October, Rep. Frank Wolf, R-10th, sent a letter in behalf of the the Bothas to United States Citizenship and Immigration Services.
In March, however, the family received notice that the second appeal also had been denied.
“They gave us no reason, just that they had affirmed the last decision. Now, our only option is to get a private bill passed in the United States Congress,” Josef said.
“Congressman Wolf, however, doesn’t feel there is enough evidence to support a private bill,” Dawson said, “but I feel there is, and there are a lot of people who feel there is. The statistics of rape and murder on the Internet even supports us.”
Wolf’s spokesperson, Dan Scanding, said last week that he spoke to Wolf about the Botha family, and Wolf said he was going to continue trying to help them.
The Bothas and their friends also are seeking assistance from U.S. Sen. George Allen, R-Va.; State Sen. H. Russell Potts Jr., R-Winchester; and Sen. John Warner, R-Va. “We’ve sent letters to them asking them to help us with a bill in Congress,” Dawson said.
Opened up their own landscaping/farming business:
Although Josef, who with is family are currently listed as legal, registered aliens, is very worried about deportation, he refuses to give up and has opened his own business doing farm work, landscaping, and construction.
“I have my own bulldozer,” he said.
* Amanda, a certified nurses assistant, is a private-duty nurse.
* The children attend Clarke County schools. “They all have above average grades, and Jacqui and Zandri are both doing excellent in softball,” Josef said.
"Big injustice: " - chairman of the church:
Glen Hetzel, chairman of the church’s administrative council, said he hopes the United States will help the Botha family.
“I feel like it’s a big injustice the way the system has treated them,” Hetzel said.
* “I can’t sleep at night with the thought of them being deported,” Dawson said.
* Just as in the past, Josef believes “God will provide for us and take care of us.”
* “These are children given to us by God to raise and care for,” he continued.
* “So we are pleading for our children’s sake for help and the prevention of being deported to South Africa.”
from: Adriana Stuijt, secretary, Foundation for Afrikaner Asylumseekers International, email@example.com, telephone Netherlands country 31 519 561 731
Wednesday, May 25, 2005
Here follows Jan's article"
White Afrikaners Should Support Changing Pretoria's Name to Tshwane
Jan Lamprecht - 5/26/2005
The government of South African recently decided that the name of the country's capital has to be Africanized and the city will now be called Tshwane. The renaming of towns and cities in South Africa was inevitable. In fact, renaming streets, suburbs, towns, cities and provinces is a Black pastime if you will. We whites have always looked at it cynically saying: "They can change the names, but they can't run the country." But then again, I think, proudly, that it is best the do change the names, because that will distinguish their failures from our successes. For example, Rhodesians can proudly talk about greatness of Rhodesia - and T-shirts with the old Rhodesian slogan "Rhodesia is Super" can still be bought on the Internet. And I think it is great keeping the name Rhodesia associated with success, progress, etc. On the other hand, the name Zimbabwe, reeks of failure... crass failure, incompetence, bureaucracy, etc. Similarly, while losing the name Pretoria is sad, at least you can remember that Pretoria referred to a really lovely city, with a proud history, whereas Tshwane will be an ANC creation, reeking of corruption, crime and failure.
It is even more appropriate that Tshwane is based on an ANC's anti-Zulu version of invented history. In fact, everything the ANC ever did was based on a twisted version of history/life which bore little resemblance to actual facts. So therefore it is most appropriate that even the capital city of South Africa should be named after a figment of their imagination.
I wait for the day when they remove the statue of Paul Kruger from the centre of Pretoria to replace it with an invented image of a Black man whom nobody has any idea how he looked or whether in fact he even existed.
I would also like to give Afrikaners solace by saying that when they changed the name of the capital of Zimbabwe from Salisbury to Harare, Rhodesians absolutely hated it, but now Harare is a city of failure from which evil emanates and most of us are now glad not to be associated with it.
Name changes also happen to be quite ridiculous. As the ANC is having fun, the country is quietly running into the ground - which will be their real legacy. These name changes, as with most things they do, cost amazing amounts of money and serve absolutely no purpose except to confuse. And yes, there is no doubt, that they are deliberately setting about getting rid of the Afrikaner names before getting rid of Afrikaners themselves.
Afrikaners must just keep ourselves alive, work together, stick together and bide for time. As surely as night follows day, ANC is weakening their own country, and if we were to adopt the view of the Chinese military theorist Tsun Tzu, we should actually be out there deliberately encouraging them to change all place names as soon as possible and help them to completely mismanage the public funds because it will help to weaken them even more.
Virtually all Afrikaners are too honest to even consider such a course of action, but in reality, if we really want to bring an end to the ANC rule, we should be standing by their side, encouraging their fantasies, boosting their false egos, and picking up a shovel and helping them to dig their own graves even faster.
We should be giving up farms more willingly and willingly speeding up "transformation" and Black empowerment - because it will then bring this country faster to the stage where Zimbabwe is. The sooner, the better - and maybe, if it's done well enough, the day will come, where we can see the last of the ANC. The ANC will not rule this country forever - even though they aspire to. Whether they will even last the 48 years which the National Party did, remains to be seen. People may think the ANC is invincible, but that is just another illusion. Jan Lamprecht was born and raised in Zimbabwe, then called Rhodesia, during the "Bush War", which resulted in Robert Mugabe coming to power. He was educated in Harare, the capital of the country, before leaving for South Africa, where he spent some time in the Navy. He wrote a book called "Government by Deception" about African politics related to Zimbabwe and the effects Mugabe's policies may have on other countries.
He publishes a popular, highly "politically-incorrect" web site AfricanCrisis.org"
Here follows our reply:
"Jan Lamprecht's article, "White Afrikaners Should Support Changing Pretoria's Name to Tshwane", makes a worthwhile impression, but unfortunately we must disagree.
He uses the example of Rhodesia vs. Zimbabwe throughout the whole argument, arguing that Zimbabwe reaks of failure. This is true to some extent, but failure is in the eye of the beholder. To Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe is successful. He achieved one of his life goals, didn't he? He got rid of all the whites in the country! And at what a price to the whites!
Not to sound judgemental of the Zimbabwean farmers, but their lack of resistance was their downfall. If they stood up against Mugabe, England would have surely sent troops to protect her citizens. The situation for the whites, and the 6 million starving people inside Zimbabwe would certainly have looked better.
It goes to show: your enemy's failure is not necesarily your success!
The Admin: Disaster Africa (www.disasterafrica.blogspot.com)"
Wikipedia defines the term as follows:
"...refers to the modification of place names or personal names to better reflect an "African" identity. In some cases, changes are not strictly a change of name, but simply a transliteration different from the European name (e.g. Antananarivo)"But in South Africa and Zimbabwe, this word has a much more ominous meaning. Not only does it describe the changing of placenames, but also chasing whites of their farms and eradicating all signs of existence of western civilization. This is evident in South Africa through (amongst others) the ANC's desecration of Afrikaner monuments, the eradication of Afrikaans as learning-medium in schools and universities, and certainly not the least, the implementation of autocracy and despotism in stead of democracy. Let's not forget the genocide-induced diaspora of whites and coloureds out of Southern Africa and the so-called land redistribution policy (which takes farmland from skilled white farmers and hands it over to unskilled black persons). In short, all of this points to an intentional change of political system by the ruling party, the ANC, and its allies. South Africa mutated from a system of Apartheid, to a democracy, to an autocracy and it is currently in the transitional phase to become a totally communistic state.
The excuse of "Africanization" is often propagated to unjustly seize control of the assets of citizens and entities within Southern Africa, as was demonstrated by the Zimbabwean landgrabs.
It is no wonder then, that western mining corporations such as Anglo-American are now also being forced to "Africanize" by the ANC. This comes at a time when China and Russia are strengthening their foothold in Africa, especially in the mining-sector, and when South Africa and Zimbabwe are both "building ties" with China.
It is a well-known fact that China supplied Mugabe's supporters with T-shirts right before the election in Zimbabwe and that he himself was given several expensive bribes. The Chinese now have control over the mines in Zimbabwe. (See previous post: "Who funds Africa's oppressors?")
What is also of concern, is that uranium is one of the byproducts of some of these mines that have now been taken over by the communists, or by the communist inclined oppressors of Southern Africa. What will the Chinese and the Russians do with their newly mined uranium?
The west needs to ask itself: "Have communism ever brought prosperity? Can this oppression be allowed to continue? Can the west afford to let the mineral riches of Africa fall into the hands of the communists? Can the west afford to stand on the side while another genocide unfolds before their eyes? Is it safe to stand on the sidelines?"
Monday, May 23, 2005
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Sunday, May 22, 2005
"The Democratic Alliance and the Freedom Front took up the cudgels on behalf of Afrikaans this week in parliament. Outside parliament, Afrikaans activists like Steve Hofmeyr are fighting for Pretoria’s name and in the Kalahari, parents are locked in battle to keep their schools Afrikaans.
It seems the dam has broken and people have suddenly realised that, notwithstanding Pallo Jordan’s vehement denials in parliament and various reassurances by Mr Mbeki, the ANC is not well disposed towards Afrikaans. In fact, Jordan’s denials took the form of a sharp attack on what he dismissed as ‘hysterical nonsense’. And this while his comrades in Pretoria and Limpopo, despite growing opposition, continue to remove Afrikaans place names and target one Afrikaans school after another.
Jordan threw out a challenge for Afrikaans books that have been banned and writers who have been gagged to be named. But he said nothing about Afrikaans schools and the huge number of Afrikaans children who have been deprived of their basic right to mother tongue education. Of course not.
What is of great concern is the ANC’s willingness to spend the taxpayer’s money on court cases against school governing bodies. In effect, the taxes paid by Afrikaans parents are being used to deprive their children of their language rights! Local authorities in Pretoria, the City of Tshwane, are impervious to the astronomical cost of changing the name. And whose money are they spending?
If the ANC were running a competent government and public service, one might see things a little differently. But after 11 years in power, there are still umpteen schools that don’t have even the most basic amenities, and even more where the standard of education is abysmal. The ANC should be addressing those problems rather than using ‘access’ to good schools as an excuse for their onslaught against Afrikaans schools. They would far rather level accusations of racism against Afrikaans parents who maintain and improve their children’s schools. It’s always easier to accuse others than it is to do something yourself.
The matter is out in the open. If a systematic attack on Afrikaans is ‘hysterical nonsense’, the ANC can prove it by retaining Pretoria’s name, restoring the names of Pietersburg and other towns and cities in the province of Limpopo and withdrawing the legal action against schools in the Northern Cape.
Should the ANC continue its assault on Afrikaans, the word ‘oppression’ will disappear from its vocabulary and become the property of the Afrikaans minority.
How strange that a liberation movement should be so insensitive to the freedom of others."
Click here to go to their website, and here to directly access the report.
Monday, May 16, 2005
When viewed in the above mentioned manner, few African countries have ever been democracies. At best it could be said that they are, or were, failed democracies. Even the last statement seems overly-optimistic, since most "democratic" countries in Africa are usually dictatorships or one-party states. Again, Mugabe has to bear the brunt of our criticism. Zimbabwe claims to be a democratic country, due to the fact that they hold so-called elections. It is, however, a well-known fact that Mugabe manipulates the outcome of each election in favour of himself. Zimbabwe is thus a dictatorship rather than a democracy.
A country not far behind the likes of Zimbabwe concerning oppression, but much more refined in their tactics, is South Africa (the ANC). Here, the votes of the biggest nation (the Xhosas) is used to render smaller (indigenous) nations, like the Boer-Afrikaners and the coloureds, utterly powerless. And of course, the ruling party's discrimanatory laws favours their supporters - the Xhosas. South Africa, is currently in effect a one-party state. There is countless facts that demonstrates the degree of freedom, or rather the lack of it, in South Africa. Among them would be the high crime rate (the highest in the world since '94), genocide, mass-emigration and more. Minorities, in effect, have no vote against the two-thirds majority of the ANC (thus, the Xhosas). The popular argument of the ruling party's supporters seems to be that "the will of the people" governs matters, but that is sadly not the case. It is ironic, since the only "people" who's votes do count are the ANC's supporters's, and the rest of the people are trampled on like animals. Germany was superior in numbers to Poland, yet nobody (except some of the Nazis) saw that as a legitimate reason for the Germans to rule and oppress the Polish. Why should the same be tolerated in South Africa, Zimbabwe or any other country, for that matter?
Minorities within South Africa now feel that self-rule is the only way of achieving both freedom and peaceful co-existence with some of the other nations in Africa. The Boere-Afrikaners and coloureds, both indigiounous to South Africa, are now demanding that they be granted self-rule. Maps of possible "Volkstate" (which refers to a piece of land governed by the nation itself) have been drawn up, and debate surrounding the topic is now more heated than ever. The Afrikaners in particular have taken several steps to put a government of "their own" in place, to rule themselves and only themselves. One such a step is the recent Afrikanerraad referendum, and the Afrikanerraad elections that is planned for next year.
For more information regarding the Afrikanerraad, see www.afrikanerraad.org
Other related sites: http://capepeoplesorg.mysite.wanadoo-members.co.uk , www.praag.org
Wednesday, May 11, 2005
One can of course argue that Africa was miserable before the discovery of gold, and that African misery is rather the cause of more inherant shortcomings, such as cultural flaws or even race. Although it might be true to some extent, that type of argument, on its own, falls rather short, since it is not only blacks but also European-Africans who constantly falls victim to misery. The Boer-Afrikaners is one such example, being targeted for genocide at least two times (firstly during the Anglo Boer war by the British, and now by the ANC). Those who are familiar with the Anlgo Boer War would know that this war was ignited by the Imperialist British Government's greed for South Africa's minerals.
Numerous African governments have been made and toppled (by non-African countries) in order to take control of this continent's mineral wealth. During the last few decades, the communist countries such as Russia, China and Cuba have displayed a growing interest in Africa. Many wars in Africa have been fought with communist-supplied weapons, the weapon of choice being the Russian AK-47. The west, whose investments in Africa have been mainly through companies such as Anglo American, have slowly but surely lost control of it's mineral-investments to the Chinese.
More recent power-plays for Africa's wealth by the Chinese government includes strengthening trade-relations with Southern African countries, including Zimbabwe. One often wonders why Mugabe has not yet been overthrown, not only because of the atrocities he is committing, but also because the opposition party (MDC) has the majority of the western-countries' support. The not-so-obvious is the aid that he has received from the Chinese-government. Aid would include things like building him a new palace, scrambling opposition radio-transmissions and more dark tactics. In return, of course, they get to lay their hands on Zimbabwe's rich mineral deposits.
One can only wish that one day a few world leaders, who aren't obsessed with mineral wealth, will come to the rescue.
Sunday, May 08, 2005
To those who are familiar with George Orwell's book, Animal Farm, the resemblance between Mugabe and one of the main characters of the book, Snowball, is striking. The book Animal Farm, in short, metaphorically discusses how so-called political liberators can easily turn into the most wretched dictatorial opressors. Ironically, the book ends with the starving animals revolting against its previous "liberators": a revolt that is ignited when the common farm animals are dying of hunger, while their leaders are blissfully and defyingly living like kings.
Currently, Zimbabwe is facing its biggest famine to date, which is reportedly also it's first famine ever. There are a plethora of reports, even video footage and testimonials of how Mugabe intentionally decline food to the supporters of the official opposition, the MDC. In some areas food are so scarce that people have now resorted to eating treas! And even that is becoming scarce! The cause of this is clearly not drought, since Zimbabwe faced longer periods with less rain in the past, and still it produced more than enough food. Mugabe has engineered this famine, starting when his notorious landgrabs came into action. Mugabe can't even feed his own 'supporters' (support of course that he gained through giving them the ultimatum of giving him their votes or starving) properly, yet so-called election-monitors from South Africa claimed that the elections were free and fair.
It would seem that non-African countries, or groups inside Africa that operate independantly from their governments, might be the only candidates to save Zimbabwe's 6 Million starving inhabitants.
Saturday, May 07, 2005
When comparing the South African government's behaviour with AIDS-statistics, one can not help but to shiver. Such behaviour is either proof of that government's total incompetence or of its total corruption, none being less-worse than the other. This does not bode well for the future of Africa and South Africa in particular.
Here follows an excerpt on AIDS-statistics relating to South Africa, as taken from the UNAIDS website:
By the end of 2003, an estimated 5.3 million South Africans were infected with HIV, the largest number of individuals living with the virus in a single country.
Country HIV and AIDS estimates, end 2003
Adult (15-49) HIV prevalence rate 21.5% (range: 18.5%-24.9%) Adults (15-49) living with HIV 5 100 000 (range: 4 300 000-5 900 000) Adults and children (0-49) living with HIV 5 300 000 (range: 4 500 000-6 200 000) Women (15-49) living with HIV 2 900 000 (range: 2 500 000-3 300 000) AIDS deaths (adults and children) in 2003 370 000 (range: 270 000-520 000)
HIV prevalence rate
living with HIV
5 100 000
(range: 4 300 000-5 900 000)
Adults and children (0-49)
living with HIV
5 300 000
(range: 4 500 000-6 200 000)
living with HIV
2 900 000
(range: 2 500 000-3 300 000)
(adults and children)
(range: 270 000-520 000)
The continent haunted by famine, corruption, disease, dictatorship, failed economies, wars and genocide. It seems that there is no hope for this continent and its inhabitants. Very often, this misery is blamed on the west, the "white settlers" and "colonialists" that inhabit some of these African countries. However, this can not be true, for one simple reason... these problems existed, were just as bad (if not worse), before Europeans set foot on this continent.
Racism and the term "racism" itself has been used, and are still being used, for the political gain of not only politicians outside of the U.S. but also by African politicians ("African", not meaning black but rather "from Africa"). What is especially alarming is the extent of control that some political organisations have over not ony information entering Africa, but also information exiting Africa, thus creating a "information void" between Africa and the rest of the world. A clear example of this would be Robert Mugabe, who shut down several news-institutes in Zimbabwe and banned reporters from outside the country.
It seems that in order to form more informed opinions of Africa, the "Information void" between Africa and the rest of the world needs to be filled. Thus was born: "Disaster Africa".